To this fascinating debate, Political Scientist and
Assistant Professor at Brown University in the US, Prerna Singh, has made a
thought provoking contribution in her book How Solidarity Works for Welfare:
Subnationalism and Social Development in India.
Professor Singh frames the question in the context of
India and asks why the states of Kerala and Tamil Nadu have made significant
progress in the welfare space, while UP, in particular, and Bihar and Rajasthan,
to a considerable degree and for very long, failed to do so. The state is the
natural unit of study as it is the entity primarily responsible for formulation
and implementation of welfare policy. Studying the experience of Indian states automatically
does away with much of the problem of different regime types, social-political-legal
institutions and differential colonial experience. Within the same nation state,
wide regional variations in development outcomes need to be investigated and
Prof. Singh does so in depth and with rigour.
The author’s primary contention is that a strong sense
of social solidarity -- ‘an identification with a self- governing homeland’ --
and a sense of ‘we-ness’, in effect a vibrant and strong subnationalism within a state, has two significant
consequences: it promotes amongst the ruling elite a commitment to social
welfare and so leads to appropriate policies being espoused by the state, and
secondly, it leads to public involvement in and monitoring of the ground level
implementation of those policies. The result of this is a major improvement in
development outcomes, especially in education and health -- the parameters she
has specifically focused on.
The author examines the emergence of subnationalism in
Tamil Nadu and Kerala, its absence in UP and its delayed and slow evolution in
Bihar and Rajasthan, and maps it to the health and education outcomes in these
states. The story of the emergence, or otherwise, of subnationalism in the states studied is a fascinating dive into
19th and 20th century history.
In Tamil Nadu and Kerala, the dominance of a small
elite, the rise of a challenger elite using symbols of subnationalism, the
gradual spread and internalization of the feeling of subnationalism amongst the
masses and the consequences for welfare policies make a remarkable narrative. The
absence in UP of a state-wide subnationalism, the rise and consolidation
instead of ethnic/religious identities, and the focus on national, rather than
state level political issues takes away from any public or state focus on
welfare issues of UP. The consequences for welfare outcomes -- especially in
health and education -- are there for all to see.
Rajasthan and Bihar did see, very late and slow, the
emergence of a constrained subnationalism and the results have gone as expected;
there have been improvements in welfare outcomes, limited but significant.
There is also a statistical analysis and those who can
validate the empirical measures of subnationalism will find an interesting and
expectedly significant positive relationship with social development outcomes
across Indian states over time.
The author does establish a convincing correlation
between social cohesiveness at the state level and welfare outcomes in the
cases where detailed studies have been provided, but even there the reader is
left with questions. The correlation may be fairly evident, but the actual
mechanisms of causations seem a trifle blurred. But then, there are never any
final and complete explanations in the social sciences. There are only
interesting and intriguing propositions and the book does offer some very
exciting ones.
Happy reading.
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